Abstract
Community psychiatry is the branch of psychiatry that delivers care to people with mental illness in their own communities rather than in remote asylums, and studies how such services should be organized. It arose in the mid-twentieth century from the moral critique of the total institution and the practical possibility of deinstitutionalization, and matured into a science of service delivery built on assertive community treatment, the balanced care model, and continuity of care. This article traces that arc: the emptying of the asylums, the community models that replaced them, the evidence for their effectiveness, and the global movement to extend them to places that never had asylums at all. Three interactive demonstrations let the reader model the deinstitutionalization curve, the hospital-community balance, and the arithmetic of continuity across fragmented services.
Keywords: community psychiatry, deinstitutionalization, assertive community treatment, balanced care model
Community psychiatry is the discipline and the practice of treating mental illness where people live. It is defined less by a distinctive body of clinical technique than by a decision about where care should happen and how it should be organized: the conviction that the proper setting for most treatment is the community rather than the segregated institution, and that a mental-health system must be designed, resourced, and evaluated as a whole. The field grew out of one of the largest social experiments in the history of medicine—the twentieth-century emptying of the psychiatric asylums—and it has spent the decades since working out what must be built in the community if that experiment is not to fail. Its central problems—how to sustain contact with people who disengage, how to divide finite resources between hospital and community, and how to reach the vast majority of the world's mentally ill who have never had access to either—remain live questions of policy and science.
- Community psychiatry treats mental illness in ordinary community settings rather than in long-stay asylums, and concerns itself as much with how services are organized as with how individuals are treated.
- It grew from the mid-twentieth-century critique of the asylum as a “total institution” and the wave of deinstitutionalization that followed, which required new community services to replace the beds that closed.
- Its best-evidenced model is assertive community treatment, in which a mobile multidisciplinary team delivers continuous care to people with severe mental illness who would otherwise disengage.
- The balanced care model holds that hospital and community services are complements rather than rivals, to be combined in proportion to the resources a system actually has.
- The field's current frontier is global: most of the world's people with mental illness live in low- and middle-income countries where community services—and often any services at all—are scarce.
What Community Psychiatry Is
Community psychiatry is the organized provision of mental-health care in community settings, and the study of how that care should be structured, delivered, and evaluated across a whole population rather than one patient at a time. It shares its clinical tools with the rest of psychiatry—diagnosis, psychopharmacology, and psychotherapy—but it is distinguished by a systems stance: its unit of analysis is the service, the sector, and the population, and its characteristic questions are about access, coverage, and continuity rather than about any single treatment. The field is a product of the twentieth century, and of a particular reversal within it. For a century and a half the dominant response to serious mental illness had been the asylum; community psychiatry is the discipline that emerged when that model collapsed under moral, clinical, and economic pressure, and it took as its founding task the invention of what would take the asylum's place. It has since assembled a repertoire of service models and organizing principles—summarized in Table 1—each of which answers some part of the question the closing asylums left behind: where, by whom, and how continuously the seriously mentally ill should be cared for.
| Principle or model | Core idea | Principal figures and evidence |
|---|---|---|
| Deinstitutionalization | Care moves out of long-stay asylums into community settings, which must be built to receive it. | Goffman's critique of the total institution; Wing & Brown on institutionalism; the TAPS discharge cohort (Leff & Trieman). |
| Assertive community treatment | A mobile multidisciplinary team delivers continuous, in-vivo care to those with severe illness. | The founding Madison trial (Stein & Test); the Cochrane synthesis (Marshall & Lockwood). |
| Balanced care | Hospital and community services are complements, combined in proportion to available resources. | The balanced care model (Thornicroft & Tansella). |
| Psychiatric rehabilitation | Recovery is supported through work, housing, and valued social roles, not symptom control alone. | Supported-employment trials (Bond, Drake, & Becker); the schizophrenia PORT recommendations (Dixon). |
| Prevention | Incidence and severity are reduced by early and population-level intervention, not treatment alone. | The founding statement of preventive psychiatry (Caplan). |
| Global scale-up | Community care is extended to low-resource settings where services are scarce or absent. | The barriers analysis (Saraceno et al.); the Lancet Commission on global mental health (Patel et al.). |
Types of Community Psychiatry
MeSH files community psychiatry beneath psychiatry in its tree and, within community psychiatry's own branch, indexes a single narrower descriptor beneath it: preventive psychiatry. The relationship is one of emphasis rather than partition. Preventive psychiatry, the tradition crystallized by Gerald Caplan, is the arm of the field concerned with reducing the incidence, prevalence, and disability of mental disorder before or early in its course—Caplan's scheme of primary, secondary, and tertiary prevention maps onto stopping disorders from arising, catching them early, and limiting the handicap that follows (Caplan, 1964). It is not a separate specialty so much as the preventive lens applied to community practice, which is why MeSH places it as a child rather than a sibling. The classification is an indexing scheme built for literature retrieval, not a mechanistic taxonomy: the categories a working community-psychiatry service actually deploys—assertive outreach, crisis response, rehabilitation, prevention—cut across the tree rather than following it, and the single formal subtype below should be read in that spirit.
| Subtype | Defining feature |
|---|---|
| Preventive psychiatry | The reduction of the incidence, prevalence, and disability of mental disorder through primary, secondary, and tertiary prevention, applied at the level of the population as well as the individual. |
Note. Preventive psychiatry is the sole MeSH child of community psychiatry; it has no separate article on this site and so is named here in plain text.
From the Asylum to the Community
Community psychiatry begins with the failure of the asylum, and the most influential statement of that failure was not a psychiatrist's but a sociologist's. In Asylums, Erving Goffman described the mental hospital as a total institution—a place that dissolves the ordinary boundaries between sleep, work, and play, strips the inmate of the props of a civilian identity, and remakes the self in the institution's image—and argued that much of what looked like the natural course of chronic mental illness was in fact the product of institutional life itself (Goffman, 1961). Psychiatry supplied the empirical counterpart. John K. Wing and George W. Brown, following patients across three mental hospitals, showed that the poverty of the institutional environment was itself correlated with the severity of patients' negative symptoms, and that enriching that environment could reduce them—naming the syndrome of apathy, withdrawal, and loss of initiative that long-stay care produced institutionalism (Wing & Brown, 1970). Together these works reframed the asylum from a place of refuge into a cause of disability, and gave the emerging community-psychiatry movement its moral warrant.
The emptying of the asylums that followed—deinstitutionalization—was driven by more than critique. The introduction of effective antipsychotic medication in the 1950s made community living newly feasible for many; the civil-rights movement and its legal expression made indefinite confinement newly contestable; and the rising cost of maintaining vast hospital estates made closure newly attractive to governments. Across the industrialized world the resident populations of psychiatric hospitals fell by more than two-thirds over the second half of the century. The central lesson of that experiment, learned slowly and often at patients' expense, was that closing beds is not the same as building services: where the community care that was supposed to replace the asylum failed to materialize, deinstitutionalization produced homelessness, imprisonment, and neglect rather than liberation. The best evidence that it could be done well came from careful discharge studies. Julian Leff and Noam Trieman, following long-stay patients discharged from two closing London hospitals through the Team for the Assessment of Psychiatric Services (TAPS), found that five years on, the great majority were living successfully in the community, had gained social contacts, and preferred their new homes, with no rise in death or serious harm (Leff & Trieman, 2000). The transition from asylum to community, Helen Killaspy summarized in reviewing that history, is achievable but conditional: it works when well-resourced, well-planned community services are put in place before the beds close, and fails when they are not (Killaspy, 2006). The demonstration below lets the reader trace the deinstitutionalization curve and see how the locus of care shifts as beds close.
Over the second half of the twentieth century the resident population of the psychiatric asylums fell by more than two-thirds. The navy curve is that institutional bed index (1955 = 100); the gold curve is its mirror—the share of care that must now be delivered in the community. Slide the year: the crux of community psychiatry is that the gold curve does not rise on its own. Every bed that closes is care that the community must be built to receive, and where it was not, the gap became homelessness and imprisonment rather than liberation.
Note. Schematic index of public psychiatric-hospital residents (1955 = 100) declining by roughly two-thirds by 2000, with the community share as its complement. Original figure; the two-thirds magnitude and its conditional consequences follow Killaspy (2006).
Models of Community Care
If the asylum was to be replaced, something had to be built, and the most influential something was assertive community treatment. Leonard I. Stein and Mary Ann Test, working in Madison, Wisconsin, reasoned that if the hospital's real function for many chronic patients was to provide continuous support, that support could be delivered in the community directly. Their “Training in Community Living” program put a mobile multidisciplinary team on call to deliver medication, practical help, and crisis response in the patient's own environment, and their randomized trial found that it sharply reduced time in hospital and improved community adjustment for as long as the team stayed involved (Stein & Test, 1980). The model, later called assertive community treatment (ACT), became the most rigorously tested innovation in the field. A Cochrane systematic review by Max Marshall and Austin Lockwood, pooling the controlled trials, concluded that ACT reduced hospital admission and homelessness and kept more patients in contact with services than standard case management, establishing it as an evidence-based standard rather than a local enthusiasm (Marshall & Lockwood, 2000). ACT is a form of intensive case management, in which a named worker or team coordinates all of a patient's care; where whole services are organized geographically, each team taking responsibility for a defined catchment area, the arrangement is called sectorization.
ACT answered the question of how to deliver community care to the most disabled; the balanced care model answered the prior question of how much care should sit in the community at all. Graham Thornicroft and Michele Tansella argued against the sterile opposition of hospital versus community that had dominated policy debate, proposing instead that a modern mental-health service is a pragmatic balance of the two: community mental-health teams and the community mental health center provide the everyday backbone, while a residuum of hospital beds remains essential for acute crises that cannot safely be managed at home (Thornicroft & Tansella, 2004). The proportions, they later argued, should scale to a country's resources, so that a low-income setting sensibly invests first in primary-care-based community services and a high-income one can layer specialized teams on top—a single framework spanning the whole global range (Thornicroft & Tansella, 2013). Figure 1 renders that model as a stepped care pyramid. Beyond keeping people out of hospital, community services increasingly aim at recovery: not merely symptom control but a life with work, housing, and social roles. William A. Anthony's influential formulation cast this recovery model as the guiding vision of the whole mental-health service system—a deeply personal process of building a satisfying life beyond the limits of illness, and a standard against which services, not just symptoms, should be judged (Anthony, 1993)—and it is pursued through psychiatric rehabilitation. Its best-evidenced component is supported employment, where Gary R. Bond, Robert E. Drake, and Deborah R. Becker showed across randomized trials that placing patients directly in real jobs with ongoing support—rather than training them first in sheltered settings—more than doubled the rate of competitive employment (Bond, Drake, & Becker, 2008). The wider menu of effective psychosocial interventions—family psychoeducation, skills training, supported employment, and assertive outreach—was codified for schizophrenia in the Patient Outcomes Research Team (PORT) recommendations reported by Lisa B. Dixon and colleagues, which set out which community treatments the evidence actually supports (Dixon et al., 2010). The demonstration below lets the reader allocate a fixed budget between hospital and community and watch the balanced-care trade-off between acute capacity and population reach.
Figure 1
The Balanced Care Model as a Stepped Pyramid of Services
The balanced care model treats hospital and community services as complements funded from one purse, not rivals. Slide the split. Steer the whole budget to hospital beds and you buy acute capacity but almost no population reach; steer it all to the community and you reach many people but have nowhere safe to send someone in crisis. The best system performance sits at neither extreme—a community-weighted balance that keeps a hospital backstop.
Note. An original schematic of the balanced care model (Thornicroft & Tansella, 2004). Acute capacity rises with the hospital share; population reach rises with the community share but is penalized when no acute backstop exists. Illustrative indices, not empirical rates.
Continuity of Care and Its Challenges
The hardest problem community psychiatry inherited from the asylum is continuity. A hospital, whatever its faults, held all of a patient's care in one place; a community system disperses that care across clinics, teams, housing agencies, primary care, and social services, and every boundary between them is a place a patient can fall through. Leona Bachrach, analyzing the concept, argued that continuity of care—the coordination of services into a coherent, uninterrupted course over time and across agencies—is the single organizing requirement of a community system, and that its many dimensions (longitudinal, cross-sectional, relational) all bear on whether a person with chronic illness stays connected to help (Bachrach, 1981). This is why assertive community treatment insists on a single team carrying the whole of a patient's care, and why crisis intervention services must be integrated with, rather than bolted onto, routine care: each handoff is an opportunity for disengagement. The worked example below makes the cost of fragmentation quantitative, showing how retention decays across successive transitions between services.
The continuity problem is sharpest where services are scarcest. Benedetto Saraceno and colleagues, examining why mental-health care fails to improve in low- and middle-income countries, identified a set of barriers that compound one another: the centralization of scarce resources in a few urban asylums, the absence of mental health from primary care, chronic shortages of trained staff, and the low priority given to mental health in public-health leadership (Saraceno et al., 2007). The result is a system with no community tier at all to be continuous with—the reason the field's center of gravity has shifted from reforming Western asylums to building first-generation community services where none exist.
A patient must survive every handoff between services to stay in care, so retention across a chain is the product of the per-transition retention rates, not their average. Set the retention at each handoff and the number of handoffs. Even a reassuring 90% per step collapses across a fragmented path—the whole argument for holding care within a single team, as assertive community treatment does.
Note. Surviving fraction = pn, the retention rate p raised to the number of transitions n. At the defaults, 0.98 = 0.43; lifting each handoff to 0.95 raises eight-step survival to 0.66. Original figure; the multiplicative logic follows Bachrach (1981).
Worked Example
Continuity of care can be turned into a simple, sobering calculation. Model a patient's path through a community system as a chain of transitions—hospital discharge to an outpatient clinic, clinic to a housing agency, housing to a rehabilitation program, and so on—and suppose that at each transition there is some probability that the patient is successfully re-engaged rather than lost. Because the patient must survive every handoff to remain in care, the probability of staying engaged across the whole chain is the product of the per-transition retention probabilities, not their average. Take a plausible single-transition retention of 90 percent, or 0.9. Across a single handoff, 90 percent stay engaged. Across two, retention is 0.9 × 0.9 = 0.81, so about 81 percent. Across three, 0.9 × 0.9 × 0.9 = 0.729, about 73 percent. Across five, 0.9 to the fifth power is 0.59—already only 59 percent—and across eight transitions, 0.9 to the eighth is 0.43, so more than half the cohort has fallen out of care even though no single service ever lost more than one patient in ten. The arithmetic is the whole argument for integrated, single-team models such as assertive community treatment stated in one line: fragmentation multiplies, and a system that looks acceptable at each individual step can still leak the majority of its patients across the full course of their care. Raising per-transition retention helps, but the leverage is nonlinear—lifting each handoff from 0.9 to 0.95 nearly doubles eight-step survival, from 43 to 66 percent—which is why reducing the number of handoffs, by holding care within one team, is often the more powerful intervention. Change the retention rate and the number of transitions in the demonstration above and the surviving fraction moves as that product, collapsing far faster than intuition, tuned to single steps, expects.
Discussion
Community psychiatry occupies a peculiar position in medicine: it is the specialty whose defining achievement—the closing of the asylums—was also its defining hazard. Deinstitutionalization was a genuine moral advance, and where it was matched by investment in community services it produced better lives, as the discharge cohorts showed. But it was also, in many places, an alibi for disinvestment, a way to close expensive institutions without paying for what should replace them, and the visible consequences—people with severe mental illness among the homeless and the imprisoned—are the standing indictment of community care done on the cheap. The field's intellectual response has been to specify, with increasing rigor, exactly what a community system must contain: assertive teams for those who disengage, a balance of hospital and community capacity, continuity across the handoffs that fragment care, and rehabilitation aimed at a life rather than a symptom score. Much of this is now backed by controlled evidence, which is community psychiatry's real scientific accomplishment: it turned a social movement into a set of testable service models and tested them. What remains unresolved is less a matter of knowledge than of will and resources. We know a good deal about what works; the balanced care model even tells us how to stage it against a budget. The obstinate problems are that the services the evidence endorses are chronically underfunded even in rich countries, and effectively absent for most of the world's population. That is why the frontier of the field has moved outward, from perfecting the community care of nations that deinstitutionalized to building, for the first time, community services in nations that never had asylums to close.
Current Directions
The most consequential current movement in the field is global mental health, which applies community psychiatry's hard-won models to the low- and middle-income countries where the great majority of people with mental illness live and where most receive no care at all. The Lancet Commission on global mental health and sustainable development, led by Vikram Patel and colleagues, reframed mental health as a global public-health and development priority and argued for scaling up community-based, task-shared care—delivering evidence-based psychosocial interventions through trained non-specialists—as the only realistic route to closing a treatment gap that runs above 90 percent in the poorest settings (Patel et al., 2018). A parallel effort has worked to consolidate the evidence base for the community interventions themselves: Helen Killaspy and colleagues, synthesizing recent trials of community-based social interventions for severe mental illness—supported employment, supported housing, and the like—confirmed that several improve real-world outcomes while noting how thin the evidence remains for many widely used programs (Killaspy et al., 2022). Running through both is a growing recognition that clinical services alone are not enough while stigma and discrimination keep people from seeking or receiving care. Graham Thornicroft's synthesis of anti-stigma interventions found that social contact-based programs can measurably reduce discrimination (Thornicroft et al., 2016), and the subsequent Lancet Commission on ending stigma and discrimination in mental health set out a global agenda for doing so, placing the lived experience of people with mental illness at its center (Thornicroft et al., 2022). The connective thread is a shift from a twentieth-century project—dismantling the asylum in the wealthy world—to a twenty-first-century one: building equitable, community-based, rights-respecting mental-health systems everywhere, a program continuous with the wider behavioral sciences and public health.
Common Misconceptions
- Deinstitutionalization means simply closing psychiatric hospitals.
- Closing beds is only half of it, and the dangerous half if done alone. Deinstitutionalization succeeds only when well-resourced community services are built to receive the people discharged; where they are not, the result is homelessness and imprisonment rather than community living (Killaspy, 2006).
- Community care means the end of the psychiatric hospital.
- It does not. The balanced care model holds that hospital and community services are complements, not rivals: a residuum of acute beds remains essential for crises that cannot be managed safely at home, and the task is to get the proportion right for the resources available, not to reach zero beds (Thornicroft & Tansella, 2004).
- The chronic disability of severe mental illness is simply the natural course of the disease.
- Much of it is not intrinsic to the illness but produced by the impoverished environment of long-stay institutional care—the syndrome of institutionalism—and can be reduced when that environment is enriched or replaced by community living (Wing & Brown, 1970).
Glossary
- Assertive community treatment.
- A model in which a mobile multidisciplinary team delivers continuous medication, practical support, and crisis response to people with severe mental illness in their own environment; the most rigorously evidenced innovation in community psychiatry.
- Balanced care model.
- The principle that hospital and community services are complementary rather than opposed, to be combined in proportions that scale with a system's available resources.
- Case management.
- The coordination of a patient's whole care by a named worker or team, so that services do not have to be assembled by the patient; assertive community treatment is an intensive, team-based form of it.
- Community mental health center.
- A local facility providing outpatient and day mental-health services to a defined population, forming the everyday backbone of a community system between primary care and hospital.
- Continuity of care.
- The coordination of services into a coherent, uninterrupted course over time and across agencies; the central organizing requirement of a community system and the point at which fragmentation does its damage.
- Crisis intervention.
- Rapid, short-term response to an acute mental-health emergency, which in a community system must be integrated with routine care rather than bolted on, so that a crisis does not become a point of disengagement.
- Deinstitutionalization.
- The twentieth-century movement of care out of long-stay psychiatric asylums and into community settings, driven by moral critique, effective medication, civil rights, and cost, and dependent for success on building the community services that replace the beds.
- Institutionalism.
- The syndrome of apathy, withdrawal, and loss of initiative produced by the impoverished environment of long-stay institutional care, and reducible when that environment is enriched or replaced.
- Preventive psychiatry.
- The arm of the field concerned with reducing the incidence, prevalence, and disability of mental disorder through primary, secondary, and tertiary prevention; the sole MeSH child of community psychiatry.
- Psychiatric rehabilitation.
- The support of recovery through work, housing, education, and valued social roles rather than symptom control alone; its best-evidenced component is supported employment.
- Psychosocial intervention.
- A non-pharmacological treatment—family psychoeducation, skills training, supported employment, and the like—delivered in the community and shown, for conditions such as schizophrenia, to improve real-world outcomes.
- Recovery model.
- An orientation that defines the goal of care as a meaningful life with work, relationships, and social roles, rather than the mere absence of symptoms, and that centers the person's own goals.
- Sectorization.
- The organization of services geographically, so that each community team takes responsibility for the mental-health care of a defined catchment area.
- Supported employment.
- A rehabilitation approach that places people with severe mental illness directly into competitive jobs with ongoing support, rather than training them first in sheltered settings; it roughly doubles competitive-employment rates.
- Total institution.
- Goffman's term for an enclosed setting, such as the asylum, that dissolves the boundaries between sleep, work, and play and remakes the inmate's identity in the institution's image.
Key Researchers
Gary R. Bond. American rehabilitation psychologist whose randomized trials established supported employment, and the Individual Placement and Support model, as the evidence-based route to competitive work for people with severe mental illness. ORCID - Google Scholar
Gerald Caplan (1917-2008). Psychiatrist at Harvard and the Hebrew University of Jerusalem whose Principles of Preventive Psychiatry founded the preventive tradition and its scheme of primary, secondary, and tertiary prevention. Wikipedia
Erving Goffman (1922-1982). Canadian-American sociologist at the University of Pennsylvania whose Asylums introduced the concept of the total institution and reframed chronic mental-hospital disability as partly an artifact of institutional life. Wikipedia - Wikidata
Helen Killaspy. Professor of rehabilitation psychiatry at University College London whose work spans the asylum-to-community transition and the synthesis of evidence for community-based social interventions in severe mental illness. ORCID - Wikidata - Google Scholar
Julian Leff (1938-2021). British social psychiatrist at the Institute of Psychiatry, London, who directed the TAPS study of long-stay hospital closure, providing some of the strongest evidence that well-planned deinstitutionalization improves patients' lives. Wikidata - Memorial
Vikram Patel. Psychiatrist and global-health researcher at Harvard Medical School who co-led the Lancet Commission on global mental health and pioneered task-shared, community-delivered psychological treatments in low-resource settings. ORCID - Wikipedia - Wikidata
Leonard I. Stein (1929-2018). American psychiatrist at the University of Wisconsin-Madison who, with Mary Ann Test, created assertive community treatment and demonstrated in a randomized trial that continuous community care could replace the hospital for chronic patients. Obituary
Michele Tansella (1942-2015). Italian psychiatrist at the University of Verona who, with Graham Thornicroft, developed the balanced care model and advanced the epidemiological evaluation of community mental-health services. Wikipedia - Wikidata
Mary Ann Test (1942-2025). American social-work researcher at the University of Wisconsin-Madison who co-created assertive community treatment and helped establish the model's long-term effectiveness for people with severe and persistent mental illness. Memorial - Obituary
Graham Thornicroft. Professor of community psychiatry at King's College London whose work on the balanced care model, global mental health, and anti-stigma interventions has shaped how mental-health services are organized and evaluated worldwide. ORCID - Wikipedia - Wikidata
John K. Wing (1923-2010). British psychiatrist at the MRC Social Psychiatry Unit, London, whose study with George Brown of institutionalism showed that the impoverished asylum environment itself produced much of the disability of chronic mental illness. Wellcome - Obituary
Frequently Asked Questions
What is community psychiatry? Community psychiatry is the branch of psychiatry that provides mental-health care in ordinary community settings rather than in segregated institutions, and studies how such services should be organized across a whole population. Its concern is as much with the design and evaluation of services (their access, coverage, and continuity) as with the treatment of any individual patient (Thornicroft & Tansella, 2004).
How did community psychiatry begin? It emerged in the mid-twentieth century as the psychiatric asylum came under moral, clinical, and economic pressure. Erving Goffman's critique of the asylum as a total institution and evidence that long-stay care itself produced disability, together with effective new medications and civil-rights pressure, drove the movement of care into the community and the invention of services to replace the closing hospitals (Goffman, 1961).
What is deinstitutionalization? Deinstitutionalization is the large-scale movement of people with mental illness out of long-stay psychiatric hospitals and into community care, which reduced hospital populations across the industrialized world by more than two-thirds. It improves lives when matched by investment in community services, and produces homelessness and neglect when it is not (Killaspy, 2006).
What is assertive community treatment? Assertive community treatment is a model in which a mobile multidisciplinary team delivers continuous care (medication, practical help, and crisis response) to people with severe mental illness in their own environment. Developed by Stein and Test in Madison, Wisconsin, it is the field's best-evidenced innovation, reducing hospital admission and keeping more people in contact with services (Stein & Test, 1980).
What is the balanced care model? The balanced care model holds that hospital and community services are complements rather than rivals, and that a good system combines them in proportions that match its resources. Community services form the everyday backbone, while a smaller number of acute hospital beds remains essential for crises that cannot be managed at home (Thornicroft & Tansella, 2013).
Does community psychiatry work better than hospital care? For most people with severe mental illness, well-organized community care produces at least as good clinical outcomes as hospital-centered care while keeping people out of hospital and in the community. A Cochrane review found that assertive community treatment reduced admissions and homelessness and improved engagement compared with standard care (Marshall & Lockwood, 2000).
Why is continuity of care so important? Because a community system spreads care across many separate agencies, each boundary between them is a place a patient can disengage, and the probability of staying in care falls with every handoff. Continuity, meaning the coordination of services into one uninterrupted course, is therefore the central requirement of a community system and the reason models like assertive community treatment keep all of a patient's care within a single team (Bachrach, 1981).
What is global mental health? Global mental health is the effort to extend community-based mental-health care to the low- and middle-income countries where most people with mental illness live and most receive no treatment. The Lancet Commission on global mental health argued for scaling up task-shared, community-delivered care to close a treatment gap that exceeds 90 percent in the poorest settings (Patel et al., 2018).
References
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Goffman, E. (1961). Asylums: Essays on the social situation of mental patients and other inmates. Anchor Books. ISBN 9780385000161.
Killaspy, H. (2006). From the asylum to community care: Learning from experience. British Medical Bulletin, 79-80(1), 245-258. https://doi.org/10.1093/bmb/ldl017
Killaspy, H., Harvey, C., Brasier, C., Brophy, L., Ennals, P., Fletcher, J., & Hamilton, B. (2022). Community-based social interventions for people with severe mental illness: A systematic review and narrative synthesis of recent evidence. World Psychiatry, 21(1), 96-123. https://doi.org/10.1002/wps.20940
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